Dravidian-DMK Anti-Politics: The ‘Toxic Common Sense’ Constructed by Sanatana

In Indian society, a historic struggle for self-respect and social justice against Brahminical hegemony and social injustice can be witnessed from the era of the Justice Party down to the present day of the DMK. Various movements that recognize the Dravidian ideology, including the DMK, have been actively pursuing this.

However, running parallel to this struggle, Brahminical media and Sanatana forces have sowed a dangerous, toxic seed deeply among the masses, based on the framework of what Italian thinker Antonio Gramsci terms "Cultural Hegemony." That toxic seed is: ‘The common sense of Dravidian-DMK hatred.’

This toxic common sense has been systematically drilled into the minds of the people, generation after generation, from the era of Rajaji down to the contemporary period of actor Vijay.

Sanatana and DMK-Hatred: Two Sides of the Same Coin

The very same strategy that was used for over 2,000 years to plant Sanatana, caste hierarchies, and inhuman untouchability into the minds of the people as a seemingly 'natural social order' or common sense, is being deployed today by Sanatana forces in their politics of "DMK hatred."

Corruption or dynastic politics are structural components of a property-owning society, and no electoral political party is an exception to this. The reality remains that from right-wing outfits to national and regional parties, such tendencies are rampant across all electoral political formations. Despite knowing this well, the entire Brahminical media and Sanatana structures drive a reductive, one-dimensional propaganda that "DMK alone is the corrupt party" and "DMK is an evil force." We must decode the underlying class-caste motives behind this.

Whenever a force poses a formidable challenge to the Sanatana ideology—both theoretically and in terms of the devolution of power—this brand of toxic common sense is unleashed against them. What is deeply concerning, as observed in recent media debates, is that from ordinary Marxist speakers to ultra-radical Marxist theorists, many have succumbed to this "common sense" disease engineered by the Brahminical apparatus, losing their capacity for independent critique.

The Politics of Hatred: A Rotting Arena

This malignant political disease, which abandons ideological critique and relies solely on "hatred" as its prime mover, has turned the entire political arena into a cesspool crawling with maggots. If this degraded landscape of hate politics continues, a healthy, people-centric politics serving the working class will remain a distant dream.

Those with a Marxist-Leninist perspective must confront this situation through two crucial methodologies:

1. Specific Exposure

Whether it is the DMK or any other political party, it is absolutely essential to target, expose, and fight the corruption of specific individuals with concrete evidence. Only such a targeted approach paves the way for legal action against the wrongdoers and isolates them before the peoples' court. Conversely, speaking loosely about "the corruption of a party" as a blanket generalization only helps to shield the specific individuals committing the corruption, allowing them to hide within the crowd.

2. Ideological Criticism

Similarly, when the political policies and empirical economic programs of a party run counter to the interests of the working class, raising sharp theoretical critiques and organizing mass struggles against them is what paves the way for a healthy alternative politics.

Conclusion

Failing to adopt these two Marxist-materialist methodologies, and instead dancing to the tunes of Sanatana media by reductionistically branding a single party as an "evil force" or "corrupt party," will only play directly into the hands of Sanatana and Brahminical hegemony. It will never inspire the masses to think toward a genuinely progressive 'alternative politics.'

As forces duty-bound to shatter Brahminical cultural hegemony, let us understand this deceptive common sense and strive to prepare the masses on the true ideological front!

Ooran / Pon. Sekar

Understanding the Indian Revolution through the Lens of Gramsci

There is a long-standing question being debated within Indian Marxist movements: In India, should it be class revolution first? Or annihilation of caste first?

There is no simple answer to this question. This is because Indian society, unlike European capitalist societies, is not structured merely on a class basis. Here, class and caste are historical realities deeply intertwined with one another. To understand this complexity, the ideas of the Italian Marxist thinker Antonio Gramsci—especially his concepts of "Cultural Hegemony" and "War of Position"—prove to be immensely useful.

Antonio Gramsci

Economic Base and Cultural Hegemony

According to the fundamental explanation of Marxism, the economic base of a society determines its superstructure, which includes politics, religion, law, and culture. However, Gramsci raised a crucial question: Despite the existence of economic exploitation, why did the people not spontaneously engage in revolution?

His answer to this was the concept of "Cultural Hegemony." The ruling class establishes its dominance not merely through the violent apparatuses of the state, but within the very minds of the people. Institutions like schools, religious organizations, family, media, art, and literature function as tools that reproduce this dominance. Therefore, Gramsci emphasized that a struggle for political power alone is insufficient; an ideological and cultural struggle to transform the consciousness of the people is absolutely essential.

Another concept of Gramsci is equally important here—the "War of Position." Before launching the final assault to capture power, a prolonged ideological struggle must be waged within the educational, cultural, and social institutions of society. His warning was clear: any power captured without this preparation—even if victorious—cannot sustain or stabilize the social transformation. 

This is profoundly relevant to a complex society like India.

The Uniqueness of the Indian Context

Gramsci did not write directly about the Indian caste system. However, we can utilize his framework to comprehend Indian society. In India, caste is not a mere problem of the superstructure; it is deeply embedded within economic life.

Questions like: Who owns the land? Who remains landless laborers? Who attains education? Who penetrates the structures of power?—yield answers that are heavily caste-dependent in most places.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar perceived this from another angle. In his seminal work Annihilation of Caste, he pointed out that it is not merely economic interests that sustain caste, but ideological forces—such as religion and scriptures (shastras)—that protect it from within. This perspective shares a deep resonance with Gramsci's concept of cultural hegemony. Both thinkers arrived at the same conclusion through different trajectories: economic change alone is inadequate; an ideological transformation must happen concurrently.

Thus, in India, caste is simultaneously an economic relation, a social relation, and a cultural relation.

The Argument for "Caste Annihilation First"

Thinkers aligned with Ambedkar and Periyar argue that without shattering caste identities, class solidarity cannot be forged. 

There is an inherent truth in this argument. A worker or a peasant is not only exploited economically but is also alienated from fellow working-class people through caste consciousness. In this sense, the anti-caste struggle becomes an indispensable component of revolutionary politics.

However, one cannot extrapolate from this that "caste annihilation must be completely achieved first, and only then should class struggle begin." This is because caste itself is continuously reproduced by the structures of economic and social dominance. Just as the class struggle cannot be complete without severing the ideological roots of caste, the annihilation of caste cannot be absolute without dismantling the economic system that nourishes those roots.

The Limitations of the "Class Revolution First" Argument

On the other hand, some believe that "once political power is captured, caste will automatically vanish." This approach, too, fails to explain the Indian reality comprehensively. 

Caste is not merely an economic relationship; it has permeated the daily lifeworld, religious beliefs, matrimonial relations, social customs, and psychological frameworks of individuals.

What transpired in post-independence India reminds us of what Gramsci termed a "Passive Revolution" (a revolution that appears to happen, but fundamentally does not). Under elite leadership, laws were amended and institutions were created; yet, the cultural hegemony of caste continued largely unaddressed. This proves that political power alone is insufficient.

The Indian Revolution in a Gramscian Perspective

This is precisely where Gramsci’s true contribution lies. He did not say, "Cultural revolution first, then political revolution." Nor did he say, "Think about culture only after capturing political power." In his view, the political struggle and the cultural struggle are two dimensions of the same historical struggle.

In the Indian context, this means: we must fight against class exploitation; we must fight against caste oppression; we must strive for economic equality; and we must shatter cultural hegemony. These are not alternatives to one another; they are complementary.

It is also vital to articulate the methodology of this struggle. Implementing and expanding caste-based reservations minimizes the friction and competition between castes, which in turn clarifies the class contradictions within each caste. Subsequently, structural changes like public/common housing will break spatial segregation, eroding the boundaries of endogamous marriages. This methodology serves as a strategy to confront both the caste structure and the capitalist class structure simultaneously.

The Necessity of a Cultural Front

For this reason, a revolutionary movement cannot function merely as a political organization. It necessitates a broad cultural front consisting of writers, poets, artists, teachers, and social critics. Gramsci referred to them as "Organic Intellectuals"—those who emerge from within the working class to forge ideological weapons for its liberation. This cultural front must undertake the task of purging the ideas of the ruling class from the minds of the people and cultivating a new consciousness of equality.

Conclusion

In India, the annihilation of caste and class liberation are not antithetical to each other. Without opposing caste, class solidarity cannot emerge. Without opposing class exploitation, the annihilation of caste cannot be absolute.

Therefore, the path of the Indian revolution is not a path of choosing between "caste first" or "class first." Rather, it must be a path that integrates the annihilation of caste and class liberation, political struggle and cultural struggle, economic transformation and social transformation. That is the paramount lesson we derive from Gramsci's philosophy for our Indian reality.

Ooran / Pon. Sekar

Sunday's Desolate Silence and the 'Meditative' Ailment of the Middle Class!

"Sunday" is not merely a weekend. Today, it marks a rare convergence of four distinct occasions: International Yoga Day, World Music Day, Father's Day, and the Aani Uthiram Abishegam ritual.

All of these represent leisure, celebration, and spirituality. Yet, these celebrations are rendered possible only because a vast majority of the population continues to labor relentlessly today.

The World of Incessant Laborers

Unlike government employees or the salaried middle class who enjoy the luxury of a Sunday, everyday casual laborers and unorganized proletarians cannot afford to rest. If they cease to labor for a single day, the hearth in their homes will not burn.

On Sunday morning, the vegetable markets bustle with activity. Butcher shops are packed with crowds. Milkmen, newspaper vendors, bus and train crews, and healthcare workers—innumerous people engage intensely in their duties.

It is through the labor of this working class that the holidays of others gain life. If they were to halt their labor, our cities and residential areas would freeze into a desolate silence.

The 'Selva Vinayagar' Who Cannibalized the Handpump

The Vinayagar temple standing opposite my house today was once the site of a public handpump utilized by the local community. To prevent people from dumping garbage there, my father placed a rough, uncarved stone on the spot and designated it as a symbolic 'Pillayar' (Ganesha). His sole objective was to protect a public utility.

Later, however, certain individuals brought the space under their control, removed the public handpump entirely, and converted it into a full-fledged temple.

What began as a defensive symbol to safeguard a community water source ultimately transformed into an institution that swallowed public property. 

This is not just an isolated incident; it serves as a profound social lesson in how public spaces are systematically encroached upon by religious institutions.

Spirituality and the Middle Class

Those gathered at the temple this morning were predominantly retired government employees and their families. Here, the priest performs his ritual trade; he derives an income from it. There is no surprise in that. However, one must look at the economic base of this spiritual market.

Special days, fasts, yoga camps, meditation retreats, spiritual training, herbal medicine seminars—all of these function today as parts of a massive market. A segment of the urban middle class has become the primary consumer base for this market.

Mental Stress and the Search for Solutions

Although contemporary middle-class life appears overtly comfortable, it conceals deep psychological anxieties rooted in insecurity, competition, debt, fear of the future, and alienation. To escape this state of mind, many flock toward temples, yoga centers, meditation exercises, and spiritual retreats.

The fundamental flaw lies right here. While the structural causes of social problems remain completely unaltered, individualistic remedies are peddled for the resulting mental stress. To a human being stripped of the objective meaning of labor, genuine social relationships, and community-centric activism, spirituality presents itself as a temporary palliative.

Meditation: A Solution or a Temporary Escape Valve?

From the perspective of homeopathic medical philosophy, symptoms such as a "desire to be alone" and an "aversion to conversation" are classified as morbid, pathological manifestations.

Examined through this lens, meditation is often not a rational process for resolving problems; rather, it appears as an expression of a mindset seeking temporary escapism from reality.

Instead of confronting and resolving social crises and existential contradictions face-to-face, many seek a psychological truce through meditation. Yet, even while sitting in meditation, those unresolved real-world conflicts continue to race through the mind. The moment the eyes open, those very problems confront them once again.

Therefore, what is required to emerge from confusion is not flight, but the attainment of clarity.

Yoga, Herbs, and Spirituality: The Three Faces of a New Market

Once, there was only traditional spirituality. Later, yoga was tethered to it (as evidenced by today's International Yoga Day). Now, new vocabularies like organic food, herbal medicine, detoxification, wellness, and holistic living have been seamlessly integrated.

While each might possess certain minor functional utilities, they fail to answer the central questions of human existence. In place of addressing the meaning of life, social justice, economic security, human relationships, and the true value of labor, this mechanism merely supplies newer commodities for consumption.

What is the Real Need?

What a human being truly requires is:

1. Genuine social relationships,

2. Purposeful and productive labor,

3. Intellectual dialogues,

4. Philosophical and ideological clarity,

5. Social responsibility.

It is to artificially fill the vacuum left by the absence of these vitals that spirituality, yoga, meditation, and the herbal trade thrive as a corporate market.

Conclusion

A permanent resolution to the existential struggles of a working human being does not reside within meditation chambers, yoga centers, or spiritual camps. True clarity is forged only in comprehending objective problems, analyzing the structure of society, and acting collectively alongside fellow human beings.

As the Greek homeopath George Vithoulkas profoundly stated:

"Confusion is disease; clarity is health."

Hence, transcending spiritual surrender and the intoxication of meditation, true human liberation and mental well-being lie strictly along the path of comprehending the concrete material causes of life.

Ooran

Humans Spellbound by Colorful Screens!

While reading this article, take a moment to reflect on the reality of the world around us.

Right before our eyes, millions of people—including farmers, construction workers, and unorganized laborers—toil day in and day out just to sustain their livelihoods. For most of them, their labor culminates merely in a struggle to secure their next meal and fulfill the basic necessities of their families.

Dance Jodi Dance

On the other hand, even government employees and factory workers manage to navigate their lives post-retirement through pensions or savings.

However, the commercial world of cinema and television—which has already amassed lakhs and crores—demands that its revenue continue to multiply incessantly. For this very purpose, it sells countless shows and spectacles to the masses at exorbitant prices under the guise of "entertainment."

A Ladder for the Humble or a Cash Register for the Tycoons?

Dance and music competitions like 'Dance Jodi Dance', 'Saregamapa', and 'Super Singer', along with various reality shows, mega serials, and movies, are portrayed here as artistic platforms that nurture people's talents.

Those behind these shows proudly claim, "We bring out the talents of ordinary people and transform their lives."

But what is the reality?

Among the thousands of youth participating in these shows, only a very few secure lasting opportunities. The vast majority return to their old lives once the show ends. Some end up confined to local stages, temple festivals, or minor events to showcase their skills.

Meanwhile, the television channels and production houses hosting these shows earn crores in revenue through advertisements and viewership ratings. The dreams of the poor are turned into market commodities, but the massive profits reaped from them accumulate in the hands of a select few.

Political Plunder... and Cinematic Exploitation

Many opportunistic politicians, who claim to have entered politics solely for the people, exploit public tax money and government resources to amass personal wealth.

Similarly, the entertainment business—operating under the pretext of "nurturing people's talent," "entertaining the public," and "providing opportunities to the humble"—monetizes the time, attention, and emotions of the working class.

A politician turns people's votes into capital. Likewise, the entertainment industry turns people's dreams and emotions into capital. The form may vary, but there is no fundamental difference in the underlying process of converting people's trust and labor into profit.

New Stages for Old Faces

Look at those who sit in the judges' chairs delivering verdicts on these shows.

It is mostly actors, actresses, singers, and choreographers who have lost their market value in the film industry who are repackaged and re-marketed in this new format. They regain public attention under the new label of a "Judge."

On one hand, they claim to search for new talent, while on the other, market commerce continues using the very same old celebrities.

The Brain-Numbing Reels Culture

This world of entertainment has not stopped with television. Today, Instagram Reels, YouTube Shorts, and short video clips have become an integral part of our daily lives.

Some create this content continuously to earn a living, while others do it to sustain a luxurious lifestyle. While this is undeniably their profession, we must question how constructive it is from a social perspective.

Does people's intellect grow through this?

All the aforementioned shows are merely businesses they run to earn money. When you forget your own work and gape in awe at his business, it simply means you are falling.

• Does it contribute to any fundamental change that elevates the living standards of the working class? 

Barring a few exceptions, the vast majority of content is created solely to numb human critical thinking.

A New Form of Addiction

Just as an alcoholic cannot spend a day without liquor, modern humans have been pushed to a state where they cannot spend even a few hours without a mobile screen or a television.

Screens have hijacked every empty space, every moment of leisure, and every solitary interval. We are losing much more than just money. Our time, attention, thinking capacity, and social consciousness are being gradually eroded.

What Are We Going to Do?

Thinking from a Marxist class-perspective, the entertainment business is one of the most powerful tools used by this property-owning society to mask its exploitation.

This does not mean we should reject art, music, and cinema entirely. Rather, we must approach them with a critical eye: which of these nurtures human intellect, and which merely creates a toxic culture of consumerism?

True art makes humans think. Commercial entertainment mostly makes humans forget.

If we fail to realize this distinction and remain submerged in this world of colorful screens that numbs our intellect, nothing can stop exploiters and opportunists from ruling over us.

• Let us shatter the illusions spun by the screens! 

• Let us understand the world with scientific clarity and social justice! 

• Let us think with a core focus on the lives of the working class and real social issues!

Ooran @ Pon. Sekar 

Is Tamil Nadu Ruled by Actor or the Governor?

Let Sanatana Fall! Let Social Justice Triumph!

(Full Text of the Speech Delivered at the Anti-Sanatana Convention Organized by Makkal Kalai Ilakkiya Kazhagam - MKIK, Trichy)

— Advocate P.Sekar (Ooran / Tamilmani)

The Political Context: Is Tamil Nadu Ruled by Actor or the Governor?

It was 4:00 PM when I, along with fellow comrades from Vellore, braved the scorching, oppressive summer heat and reached Khadi Kraft near Trichy Junction to participate as a speaker in the Anti-Sanatana protest organized by the Makkal Kalai Ilakkiya Kazhagam (MKIK). Upon arrival, the reality of the situation became instantly clear: there were no flags, no banners, and no microphones. Only a handful of comrades stood there, surrounded by a massive contingent of police personnel and a long line of police vans. It was evident that permission for the protest had been denied.

When I immediately contacted the coordinators, I learned that the comrades had relocated near the Old Bus Stand to garland the statue of Thanthai Periyar and launch a defiant agitation, overriding the state ban. By the time I rushed to the spot, the police were already executing brutal force, intercepting the marching comrades and hauling them into police vans.

Simultaneously, a few reactionary lumpens from the Hindu Munnani stood right in front of the police, shouting provocations against our comrades. The visual of the state police standing as tight-lipped, passive spectators to right-wing aggression, while systematically crushing a democratic protest organized by a progressive cultural front like MKIK, laid bare a grim reality: this state machinery is desperately desperate to shield and protect Sanatana.

This entire episode has proved to the people of Tamil Nadu, for the very first time, that this is not a government run by cinematic actors; it is effectively a regime micro-managed by the Governor. What answers do the apologists of TVK (Tamizhaga Vettri Kazhagam) have now—those who lent tactical support to this regime under the pretext of preventing a Governor's rule?

Though blocked in the public square, the comrades undeterredly gathered inside a hall to share these volatile, radical ideas among themselves. Today, through social media, that discourse is rapidly reaching the masses. The following is the comprehensive compilation of the speech I delivered inside that hall:

Introduction

"Let Sanatana Fall! Let Social Justice Triumph!"

Greetings to everyone gathered here!

There was a time when I used to thunder from the platforms of the Makkal Kalai Ilakkiya Kazhagam across Tamil Nadu under the pen name Tamilmani, roaring against the ruling class. After a long hiatus, I find myself back on a revolutionary stage in this historic soil of Trichy—the very land where I cut my political teeth. I extend my deepest fraternal gratitude to Comrade Kovan, the State General Secretary of MKIK, and the members of the leadership committee for honoring me with this opportunity.

P.Sekar, Advocate

Comrades, the entire Indian subcontinent is locked in a fierce debate over 'Sanatana'. I must take this progressive platform to register my heartfelt appreciation for the Leader of the Opposition, Udhayanidhi Stalin. Despite losing power in the recently concluded elections, he did not display a shred of defeatism. Instead, on the very first day of the legislative assembly session, he stood tall and resolutely proclaimed, "We shall eradicate Sanatana!" By doing so, he has breathed fresh lease of life into the core Dravidian ideology of anti-Sanatana resistance.

What is Sanatana?

Now, comrades... everyone is talking about Sanatana. But what exactly is Sanatana?

The conservative pandits and apologists define it as: "That which has no beginning and no end; that which is birthless and deathless; that which is immutable, indestructible, and eternally constant." > One infinite, eternal, changeless existence is called Sanatana.

If you confront today's right-wing politicians and Sanatana mercenaries to pinpoint what this 'unchanging, immortal entity' actually means in reality, each cooks up a bizarre, self-serving definition to suit their opportunism.

If you ask Kushboo, she claims, “Wearing a bindi and putting flowers in your hair is Sanatana.” If you ask singer Anitha Kuppusamy, she claims, “Sprinkling water and drawing a kolam—specifically with rice flour—in front of the house is Sanatana.” At least these individuals stretch their imagination to utter some incoherent nonsense.

Then there are those who strategically 'rent' the late poet Kannadasan to defend Sanatana. What do they quote from him?

“A mother’s selfless love, feeding the hungry, forgiving the one who hates you, being calm like Shiva, smiling through adversity like Krishna, conquering desires like Buddha”—this, they claim, is Sanatana!

And the latest addition to this absurdity is our Tamizhisaika (Dr. Tamilisai Soundararajan). Recently, she smeared holy ash (vibhuthi) on Minister Vanniyarasu like a maternal figure and instantly spun a new narrative: “The motherly love behind smearing this holy ash is Sanatana!”

Comrades! If you take these comical definitions to a traditional, textually trained Shastric Acharya and ask if this is indeed Sanatana, he would spit on their faces in utter disgust!

Comrades, let me give you the rigorous, verifiable historical data regarding what this 'beginningless, endless, immutable, and eternal' Sanatana truly stands for. Note this down!

In the year 1898, the 'Central Hindu College' was founded in Kashi (Varanasi). When it was later upgraded into the 'Banaras Hindu University' (BHU) in 1916, a foundational textbook was officially prescribed. Do you know the name of that book?

"An Elementary Sanatana Dharma: Hindu Religion and Ethics".

This textbook, originally preserved in the University of California library, was digitized and archived by Microsoft in 2007. What does this authentic document explicitly state?

“Sanatana Dharma is that code of life given to humanity thousands of years ago, solely based on the Vedas and sacred texts.”

Historically, during that era, neither the nomenclature 'Hindu Religion' nor the geopolitical entity called 'India' existed. It was purely an 'Aryan Religion' anchored in an Aryan racial construct, and the land was called 'Aryavarta'! This is the unvarnished historical truth!

The Roots of Sanatana Sustained through Rituals

What constitutes the foundation of this Sanatana Dharma?

The four Vedas, categorized as Shrutis, form the absolute foundation.

The 18 Smritis—including Yajnavalkya, Parasara, Narada, and Manu—are the structural walls that prop up Sanatana. Among these, the wall called Manusmriti is exceptionally rigid and formidable. 

The 18 Puranas and the two Epics (Ramayana and Mahabharata) serve as the external buttresses securing these walls.

The legal codification of our daily existential duties is what comprises the Manusmriti Shastra! Whatever is decreed within the Manusmriti is what constitutes genuine Sanatana. Everything else uttered by modern apologists falls completely outside its purview.

Spanning 12 chapters and containing 2,685 verses composed somewhere between the 2nd century BCE and the 2nd century CE, this code continues to actively breathe inside our households today. Looking at this longevity, a chilling doubt crosses our minds: is Sanatana truly indestructible?

How does it manage to persist seamlessly in our contemporary lives? It survives precisely through the domestic rituals, superstitious customs, and practices of ceremonial pollution ( தீட்டு) injected into our families! From menstruation, weddings, baby showers, naming ceremonies, tonsuring, housewarming parties, to death, funerals, and annual death anniversaries (thithi)—we are blindly executing exactly what Manu decreed centuries ago!

Many of us have never read Manu. Yet, how do we practice it so flawlessly without reading it? Because it is systematically spoon-fed to us from childhood under the benign mask of "tradition and cultural habit"!

Why were these endless rituals engineered in the first place? It is a calculated system of economic exploitation devised by the Brahmin priesthood to secure their perennial revenue and professional monopoly!

Priesthood, comrades, is a highly lucrative corporate factory! It operates not on a 'work from home' model, but on a 'work from others' home' basis—accumulating massive wealth through the existential vulnerabilities of others. 

They weaponize fear: “If you skip this ritual, it will ruin your family; it will curse your lineage.” They manipulate you into taking high-interest debts just to perform elaborate funeral rites and annual obsequies.

The core life-force of Sanatana resides entirely within this industry of priesthood! When the forces of Sanatana are aggressively dismantling public sector enterprises to safeguard their hegemony, why shouldn't we systematically dismantle the priestly profession to eradicate Sanatana? The responsibility to sever these ritualistic Sanatana roots creeping inside our living rooms rests squarely on our own shoulders.

Look at the film Shyam Singha Roy. When a Brahmin priest rabidly defends the oppressive Devadasi system, the protagonist violently hurls him into the ceremonial fire, roaring: “You burn widowed women alive in the name of Sati; now go ahead and burn to death in this very fire!” Similarly, the Brahmin priests who orchestrate casteist cleansing rituals in the name of housewarmings (Grahapravesam) and temple consecrations (Kumbhabhishekam) must not only be prosecuted under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act but must be physically driven away from these venues before they initiate the ritual.

Let us call a spade a spade: a housewarming ritual is fundamentally an act of untouchability! The rationale behind it is that during construction, 'Chandala' laborers—meaning the Parayar and other Dalit working-class communities—would have touched the structure, thereby polluting it. To 'cleanse' this supposed pollution, cow urine (gomiyam) is sprayed. Even in the late 1940s, certain reactionary films featured dining and feast scenes where characters openly spewed Sanatana arrogance, directly insulting and demeaning the Parayar community. Today's priestly 'purification' rituals are nothing but a sophisticated continuation of that identical casteist malice!

To boycott this, we do not require decrees from Delhi or the patronage of ruling politicians. We must consciously abandon these regressive domestic rituals. We must transition toward priest-free, rationalist 'Self-Respect' (Suya Mariyadhai) alternative formats. 

Preparing the masses for this cultural shift is the immediate duty of progressive organizations.

The Untouchability Jungles of 'Oor' and 'Cheri'

The ultimate, most vicious manifestation of Sanatana is caste-based pollution. This involves the policing of varna-mixing (varna sankara), the enforcement of hereditary occupations, restrictions on food, clothing, and mobility, and the geographical segregation of spaces into the dominant village (Oor) and the marginalized Dalit ghetto (Cheri). Sanatana thrives inside these deep-seated jungles of territorial untouchability. We can weaken this monster only by razed-down the traditional 'Oor-Cheri' spatial dichotomy and replacing it with universal, integrated public housing complexes.

Look closely at our history. Under the socialist economic model, the establishment of public sector giants like BHEL during the eras of Nehru and Indira Gandhi gave birth to integrated 'Township' colonies. Similarly, the creation of the Tamil Nadu Housing Board (TNHB) quarters during Kalaignar Karunanidhi's regime, the development of urban integrated neighborhoods like Anna Nagar, KK Nagar, and Thillai Nagar, and the subsequent rural network of Periyar Ninaivu Samathuvapurams (Periyar Memorial Equality Villages) were exceptional structural body-blows to the heart of spatial untouchability.

These state-funded spaces forced human beings belonging to vastly diverse caste groups to live as next-door neighbors. Consequently, the historical caste animosities bred in segregated villages were effectively neutralized, paving the way for class solidarity, trade union camaraderie, and genuine human brotherhood to flourish.

However, the neoliberal economic policies and aggressive privatization unleashed after the 1990s systematically crippled our public sector units. The Union regimes calculatedly liquidated these egalitarian 'Township' spaces. Following Kalaignar's era, subsequent state administrations progressively sidelined and neglected both the Housing Board initiatives and the Samathuvapurams.

Let me sound a note of warning: the working-class struggle to defend public sector enterprises is structurally inseparable from the battle to protect integrated public housing—which is, in essence, the struggle to annihilate Sanatana! 

The state must aggressively expand public housing networks, upgrade their infrastructure, and make them highly attractive for mass migration.

Concurrently, as a strategic counter-measure against spatial segregation, the government must systematically taper off state funding and infrastructural concessions to traditional caste-stratified 'Oor-Cheri' habitations. 

This will economically incentivize and compel people to migrate toward modern, egalitarian, integrated townships.

The 'No-Caste' Classification

Finally, we must break the ideological leg of Sanatana. I utilize this platform to propose a concrete, radical alternative model to achieve this.

We must consolidate individuals who opt for inter-caste marriages and citizens who voluntarily renounce their caste identities into a legally recognized, distinct institutional category called the "No Caste Category" (சாதியற்றோர் தனிப் பட்டியல்). Telangana has already pioneered a template for this, where roughly 3.4% of the population has officially registered under a 'No-Caste' classification.

Citizens opting into this 'No-Caste' registry must be granted a dedicated, exclusive quota within education and public employment! While we must fiercely implement caste-based proportional reservation to match current population metrics, we must simultaneously institute this 'No-Caste' separate list and distinct allotment to incentivize the systemic dissolution of caste. To lay the empirical groundwork for this, the Government of Tamil Nadu must immediately execute a comprehensive state-wide Caste Census.

Comrades! Boycotting priests in our domestic lives, obliterating the 'Oor-Cheri' residential apartheid, and enforcing a 'No-Caste' statutory category are monumental, grueling challenges. 

But if we look at this as a long-term war to eradicate Sanatana, we must commence our march this very day, from this historic soil of Trichy! Let us forge these demands into our central ideological slogans and make them echo loud enough to pierce the ears of the Ministry of Social Welfare!

We can achieve this, comrades! Yes, we can! Just like the ancient anti-Vedic Siddhars, Mahatma Jyotirao Phule, Vallalar, Babasaheb Ambedkar, Thanthai Periyar, and Muthamizharignar Kalaignar—we possess the ideological lineage to chop down the roots of Sanatana. The weapons currently available in our hands might look like small, modest knives; let us wield them regardless! As we sharpen them on the anvil of field struggles, they will transform into mighty battle-axes. When that day arrives, the total uprooting of Sanatana—along with its deeply entrenched soil—is historically inevitable!

Let me conclude with one final observation. Atrocities like the horrific caste-poisoning witnessed in Vengaivayal can be structurally prevented only through the aggressive expansion of integrated public housing.

Furthermore, the masses must completely marginalize and cast away the caste-mobilizing political outfits that mushroomed post the 1990s. It is only when the working class rallies behind Marxist-Leninist revolutionary organizations that endogamy (சாதிய அகமண முறை) will crumble, paving the way for smooth, mass inter-community marriages (புறமண முறை).

Only when the masses mobilize under a revolutionary banner will Tamil Nadu cease to produce battlegrounds of caste fanaticism like Naikkankottai—the toxic laboratory that consumed the lives of Ilavarasan and Divya. Instead, this soil will transform into a network of egalitarian communes, reminiscent of the glorious class uprisings led by Comrades Appu and Balan!

The annihilation of caste envisioned by Babasaheb Ambedkar can be actualized only by politically fortifying the Naxalbari politics of this country! With this firm conviction, I take your leave.

Long live the anti-Sanatana struggle! Let the spirit of Naxalbari reverberate across the nation!

Thank you. Vanakkam!

Click here to listen to the full speech:

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1Cipxng5sL/

P. Sekar

Advocate

From Clans to Caste Abolition: How to Sever the Sanatana Roots of Caste and Untouchability?

1. Global History and the Indian Deviation (The Historical Paradox)

Across the world, human society underwent a natural evolutionary trajectory before transforming into modern civilizations. Humans, wandering as hunter-gatherers in forests, initially organized themselves into 'clans' based on blood relations. With the introduction of agriculture and pastoralism, several clans integrated to form larger 'tribes'.

As trade, urbanization, and agriculture flourished, these rigid tribal boundaries of blood relations dissolved. People united on the basis of shared language and geography, evolving into a unified collective—a civil society or a nation. 

In short, the identity of tribal clans faded, giving birth to the universal identity of a 'citizen'.

However, in India, despite the existence of similar tribal republics during the Indus Valley civilization and early historical periods, this natural course of social evolution was halted upon the infiltration of the Aryan Varnasrama framework. Instead of merging into a broader collective nationhood, these tribes shrank inward, fossilizing into 'castes'.

The primary catalyst for this historical mutation, as highlighted by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and Marxist scholars, is the iron wall of Endogamy (marrying strictly within one’s own group). Globally, inter-tribal marriages (Exogamy) were the key drivers that dissolved tribal boundaries and merged communities. However, to prevent Varna mixing, Manusmriti institutionalized endogamy as a rigid, inviolable law. Consequently, tribal clans were blocked from mingling, becoming permanently ossified into fragmented caste pieces.

2. The Production of 'Sankara Jatas' (Mixed Castes) and the Genesis of Untouchability

How did occupation become fixed by birth in India? How did untouchability emerge? The answer lies in the theoretical conspiracy of Sanatana Manusmriti regarding 'Sankara Jatas' (Mixed Castes).

The Varnasrama system did not stop at merely creating the four primary Varnas. It classified the offspring born out of marriages that violated the Varna order as 'Sankara Jatas'.

• Anuloma: Children born to a higher-Varna man and a lower-Varna woman.

• Pratiloma: Children born to a lower-Varna man and a higher-Varna woman (which Manusmriti condemned as the gravest sin).

Through generations of subsequent permutations and inter-mixing among these original mixed lineages, thousands of distinct, segregated castes—including Paraiyar, Navithar, Aasari, and Chakkiliyar—were produced across India.

To each of these newly manufactured caste segments, the Sanatana feudal structure forcefully allocated specific, unalterable occupations determined strictly by birth. Activities like weaving, leather-tanning, and scavenging were transformed into hereditary birthrights. This division completely denied class mobility; humans were permanently shackled to their prescribed labor, and some among them were turned into hereditary wage slaves.

According to Manusmriti, the descendants of these 'Sankara Jatas', born in violation of Varna codes, were deemed unfit to reside within the mainstream village limits. This gave rise to the spatial and geographical violence in Indian villages—the physical segregation of 'the main village' (Oor) and 'the ghetto' (Cheri). 

They were forced to live in marginalized, isolated outskirts.

Among those banished outside the village, those born out of the forbidden Pratiloma order—specifically the Chandala (Paraiyar) lineages born to a lower-Varna man and a Brahmin woman—were branded as 'Untouchables'. Cruel mandates dictated that even their shadows or the air passing over them must not taint the upper Varnas. This marks the historical genesis of 'Untouchability'—the ultimate curse of Indian society.

This is precisely why the Marxist historian D.D. Kosambi accurately observed: "Caste is the integration of various tribes into a class society, or rather, it is a state of stagnation where tribes could not mature into a class society but were absorbed as castes within the Sanatana feudal framework."

3. Breaking the Spatial Segregation: How Modern Cities Flattened the 'Oor' and 'Cheri'

As long as the physical structure of 'Oor - Cheri' persists in India, caste and untouchability will continue to survive in one form or another. In a rural feudal setup, a person’s residential location instantly betrays their caste identity. To shatter this discriminatory geography, India’s modern public sector and the Dravidian policy framework introduced a monumental spatial solution.

When Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs) were established across India, the residential 'Townships' built alongside them rattled the physical walls of caste for the first time. In these spaces, managers, workers, and individuals from vastly diverse caste backgrounds lived side by side based entirely on their official institutional ranks, leaving no room for traditional caste hierarchies.

In Tamil Nadu, this social engineering was propelled to the next level by Muthamizh Arignar Kalaignar Karunanidhi. The planned modern urban layouts he envisioned—such as K.K. Nagar, Thillai Nagar, and Anna Nagar—along with the public housing developments of the Tamil Nadu Housing Board (TNHB), created completely caste-neutral living spaces.

Above all, the 'Periyar Memorial Samathuvapurams' (Equality Villages) initiated by Kalaignar stand out as historic revolutionary bastions, constructed via state authority to dismantle the oppressive geography of caste. By offering identical houses, shared public pathways, and a common water overhead tank, the Dravidian model brought diverse communities together to live as neighbors. Such systemic arrangements will put a definitive end to horrific discriminatory atrocities like Vengavayal.

The Transformative Impacts of Spatial Integration:

• Living in close proximity prompted people to interact naturally across caste lines.

• In times of crisis, a sense of working-class solidarity emerged, bypassing caste prejudices to offer mutual aid.

• It paved the way for mutual understanding, enabling neighbors to participate in each other’s life events, joys, and sorrows.

• This physical proximity laid the foundation for cross-caste friendships, natural self-choice marriages among the younger generation, and the collective celebration of common festivals and cultural events.

The Disaster of the New Economic Policy:

However, the onset of the 'New Economic Policy' and aggressive privatization in the 1990s crippled public sector institutions, subsequently dismantling these progressive industrial townships. 

Following Kalaignar's era, progressive housing projects like the Housing Board developments (TNHB) and Samathuvapurams were not pursued with the same revolutionary vigor by successive administrations, leading to their stagnation. 

Therefore, we must persistently enforce state-led interventions to bring about these spatial and residential transformations. 

Modern, integrated public housing complexes must be developed and equipped with top-tier infrastructure. We must create material conditions that incentivize people confined within oppressive rural setups to abandon those Sanatana habitats and migrate toward these modern, egalitarian housing complexes.

Only when the physical layout of 'Oor and Cheri' is rendered obsolete and deserted will the material roots of caste and untouchability be physically uprooted and demolished!

4. The Two-Pronged Strategy for Caste Abolition: A Theoretical Proposal

While restructuring living spaces is crucial, permanently breaking the ideological and economic pillars of caste necessitates a Comprehensive Caste Census that captures all nuanced demographic realities. Based on such data, we propose this two-pronged strategy as a long-term focal point for public discourse:

Proposal 1: Proportional Caste-Based Reservation

The absolute remedy to the resentment, jealousy, and vitriol directed by various communities against each other—under the pretext of unfair opportunity distribution—is Proportional Representation based on population.

According to a meticulous caste census, reservation quotas should be allocated strictly in proportion to population strength for all categories, including the Open Category (OC), Backward Classes (BC), Scheduled Castes (SC), and Scheduled Tribes (ST). By partitioning 100% of seats and opportunities strictly according to demographic proportions, no community can usurp the share of another, eliminating inter-caste animosity. Since competition will be confined within each respective category's pool, quota-based friction will vanish completely. Furthermore, if allied castes wish to integrate into a single collective pool, they can do so; otherwise, they can claim their shares as distinct, individual groups.

Proposal 2: A 'No Caste' Category

A distinct "No Caste Category" must be instituted, comprising children of inter-caste marriages and individuals who voluntarily renounce their caste identity, along with a dedicated quota for them.

• Direct Incentive for Caste Abolition: When a concrete material reality is established—where renouncing caste guarantees children a secure, dedicated quota in public education and employment under the 'No Caste' pool—the middle class will actively discard their caste identities to safeguard their children’s economic future. Caste will gradually lose its social utility, shrink, and wither away.

Solution to Administrative Challenges

To prevent dominant groups from deceptively claiming 'No Caste' status to usurp benefits meant for those striving to eradicate caste, robust socio-legal safeguards must be mandated. 

The comprehensive strategy we articulate today offers an enduring solution. On one hand, it pacifies immediate social frictions through fair, proportional distribution; on the other, it drives a monumental exercise in Social Engineering by incentivizing individuals via integrated housing and a 'No Caste' registry to evolve into modern, casteless citizens.

This is the ultimate intersection where the caste abolition vision of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and the social justice dreams of Thanthai Periyar converge!

Regimes may rise and fall, but this long-term theoretical discourse on the annihilation of caste must endure!

P.Sekar

Advocate

Understanding Sanatana: Part-3. From Past to Present

Code of Conduct and Hinduism

For many of the world’s primary religions, a specific single holy book serves as the foundation to prescribe the way of life—that is, the duties—for the individuals who follow it. For instance, the Holy Bible guides Christianity, and the Holy Quran guides Islam.

However, when it comes to Hinduism, is there any such single text? The answer is no. A colossal array of texts, including the four Vedas, 18 primary Dharma Shastras (Smritis), 18 Puranas, two Epics (the Ramayana and the Mahabharata), and the Bhagavad Gita as a supplementary text, is cited as the background of Hinduism.

Manusmriti: The Law of the Hindus

It is practically impossible for an ordinary Hindu to read this vast multitude of texts and practice the daily life duties prescribed within them (where Dharma translates directly to duty). Therefore, out of the 18 Dharma Shastras written based on the Vedas to address religious duties and philosophies, one stands out: the 'Manu Dharma Shastra' (Manusmriti). It is no exaggeration to say that this text systematically structures the Varnasrama social order and defines the laws and justice governing Hindu life.

In the context of Tamil Nadu, Sanatana proponents later conveniently appropriated and added the Saivite and Vaishnavite texts that emerged during the Bhakti literature era into this list.

Nevertheless, to uncover the true roots of Sanatana, our analysis here will be strictly confined to the Manu Dharma Shastra.

Historical Critiques and Resistance Through Art

The critique of Manusmriti is nothing new to us. Long before this, countless social justice crusaders like Mahatma Jotirao Phule, Babasaheb Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, and Thanthai Periyar rigorously analyzed and dismantled Manusmriti, contextualizing it with the ground realities of their times. The reason behind their intense ideological battle was the systemic inequality, discrimination, and untouchability institutionalized within society through this very text.

While the writings of these thinkers formed one front, various art forms have also posed severe challenges to this framework:

• Literature: Novels like Mulk Raj Anand’s 'Untouchable'.

• Theatre: Stage plays like K.A. Gunasekaran’s 'Bali Aadugal' (The Sacrificial Goats).

• Cinema: Countless films ranging from Kalaignar Karunanidhi's screenplay in 'Parasakthi' to the recent Telugu film 'Shyam Singha Roy' have deeply critiqued and exposed the rituals and oppressive structures of Sanatana.

The Persistence of Sanatana in the Age of Artificial Intelligence

Today, we live in an era defined by the technological revolution of Artificial Intelligence (AI). Yet, even now, no significant transformation has occurred in the practical realities of Sanatana. Particularly after the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power, vigorous efforts are being made to revive, practice, and safeguard the Sanatana Dharma advocated by Manusmriti in various forms—even resurrecting long-forgotten rituals and religious identities within political and cultural spaces.

Furthermore, in many countries where Indian diaspora communities reside, debates and legal complaints regarding caste discrimination have begun to surface. Caste and untouchability are being exported and globalized.

In such a contemporary landscape, I believe it is absolutely essential for the current generation to understand Sanatana in depth.

When reading Manusmriti, it does not feel like an ancient, obsolete book; rather, it explains the underlying reasons behind many practices we still witness in our daily lives today. It projects the contemporary Indian social structure right before our eyes. 

Shouldn't we understand how a law written nearly 2000 years ago still exists as an integral part of our reality and continues to occupy our collective psyche?

The Structure of Manusmriti

Although the Manu Dharma Shastra was originally written in Sanskrit, it has been translated into English and Tamil by various scholars. The Dravidar Kazhagam consistently publishes the Tamil translation rendered by Komandur Ramanujacharya, which was originally released in 1919. Apart from this, Triloka Sitaram's Tamil translation (published by Alaigal Veliyeetagam) and several English translations are widely available.

The Manu Dharma Shastra comprises a total of 12 Chapters and 2685 Shlokas. Its structural breakdown is as follows:

Chapter - Title / Subject Matter- Number of Shlokas

1. Cosmology (Padaipiyal): Origin of the universe, creation of life …119

2. Education and Duties: Regulations for teachers and students …249

3. Domestic Life (Illaraviyal): Marriage, household responsibilities, hospitality …286

4. Economics and Personal Conduct: Rules specific to Brahmins and general conducts …260

5. Food, Purity, and Women: Cleanliness, dietary laws (permissible and forbidden food), pollution, rituals of purification, duties of women …169

6. Asceticism (Sanyasam): Renunciation and hermits …97

7.Statecraft and King’s Duties: Governance, administration, warfare …226

8. Law and Civil/Criminal Judiciary: Civil and criminal laws, disputes, crimes, and punishments …420

9. Domestic Laws for Men and Women: Marriage, procreation, inheritance, partition of property, offenses, and punishments …336

10. Caste System (Jathigal): Origin, status, occupations of mixed castes …131

11. Penance and Expiation (Prayachitham): Rituals, sacrifices, sins, errors, and atonement …266

12. Karma and Retribution (Vinaippayan): Consequences of good and evil deeds, transmigration …126

What does each shlokam in Manusmriti actually proclaim? Are the rules stated within them scientifically sound or unscientific? 

Are they universally applicable to all Hindus, or are they deeply biased and discriminatory? 

Drawing from my understanding, I intend to analyze and explain them with simple logic in the upcoming segments of this series.

Chapter - I : Cosmology (Padaipiyal)

(We shall meet in the next part of this series with detailed explanations of the Shlokas...)

P.Sekar

Advocate

(Ooran)

Understanding Sanatana: Part-2, Changing Ethics vs. Unchanging Sanatana Dharma

The current political landscape in Tamil Nadu is quite extraordinary. On one hand, voices calling for the "Abolition of Sanatana" are loud, while on the other, defensive voices are equally intense. In this context, a crucial question arises: “Is it necessary to talk about Sanatana now? Should we criticize it in writing?”

Sanatana is not just an ancient religious scripture; it is a social order that has historically influenced—and continues to influence—varna-caste structures, living spaces, professions, education, and even the judicial system. Therefore, understanding it is essential.

Political Shifts and the Anti-Sanatana Front

The support extended by the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) to the new political front led by Vijay has sparked intense debate. Thol. Thirumavalavan, who once criticized Vijay’s political entry, is now discussing power-sharing. This has created confusion within the anti-Sanatana camp. It raises a pertinent question: Is anti-Sanatana politics a mere electoral tool or a principled touchstone?

Aram (Ethics) and Dharma: The Fundamental Difference

Before diving into the debate, we must understand the vast difference between the words 'Aram' and 'Dharma'. 'Aram' is a Tamil traditional term, while 'Dharma' is rooted in Sanskrit tradition.

1. Aram (Ethics):

   Aram emphasizes the internal and external integrity of an individual. As Thirukkural (Kural 34) states, "Being spotless in mind is Aram." Aram is adaptive to time and context. If a previously followed practice is found to be wrong, discarding it and paving a new righteous path is Aram. it prioritizes human progress and allows for change.

2. Dharma (Sanatana Dharma):

   However, the 'Dharma' proposed by Sanatana is immutable. It mandates that one must strictly follow the rules laid down by Manusmriti according to their birth, Varna, and caste. Even if a lifestyle dictated by this Dharma is proven wrong or harmful by others, there is no way to change it. This is why Sanatana calls itself 'Eternal' (indestructible). It is institutionalized and protected through religion.

Thiruvalluvar’s Guidance vs. Shastra’s Restriction

Valluvar warns that a life of Aram brings prosperity, while abandoning it leads to ruin (Kural 32). The ultimate fruit of Aram is happiness (Kural 39).

But Sanatana says, "Do what the Shastra prescribes; avoid what it forbids without questioning." How can we accept Sanatana as right without analyzing whether an action causes harm to others? Aram tells us to live without harming others and to change if harm occurs. Sanatana Dharma, however, insists on following its rules even if they cause harm to others.

Why Should We Analyze Manusmriti?

The core of this debate is the conflict between human equality and a social structure based on birth. To understand this conflict, it is vital to directly read and analyze Manusmriti, the primary document of the Sanatana social order.

In this series, we will explore:

• Every Shloka and its direct meaning.

• Its social impact and historical context.

• Its contradictions from the perspective of modern human rights and equality.

Let us discuss openly: What is humane? What is against equality? All seekers of social justice are welcome to this debate.

To be continued…

P.Sekar
Advocate